TGEU The ProTrans project Structural and institutional violence Institutional violence against trans people is also the re- For the record Societal violence When we think about violence against trans people, we sult of oppression and hierarchies that are the central or- 1. A trans man was discriminated against and verbally Societal violence manifests in the rejection and mis- often link transphobia with murder, rape, psychological ganising elements of institutions such as state registrars, attacked by two members of the National Health In- treatment of transgender people by others, including threats, emotional abuse, and the direct and intentional psychological clinics and committees, healthcare servic- surance Fund’s medical commission. The two female discrimination and hate speech. These incidents may not use of force. However, structural violence, violence that es and courtrooms. It manifests in biased and discrimi- doctors insulted the victim because of his sexual orien- qualify as crimes under domestic legislation, but they are is part of everyday life and social interactions, does not al- natory treatment of trans people, which is widespread in tation and gender identity and refused to give him the elements of a transphobic social climate, which is why ways appear as violence as such, but is subtly woven into many institutional settings. As such, it is present in every- documents necessary for sex-reassignment surgery. ProTrans partners found it important to monitor them. the fabric of the ordinary, resulting in no less negative con- day interactions between trans people and school staff, They said that people like him should not be allowed to Of the 48 cases of discrimination collected during Pro- sequences than direct violence and transphobia. Structur- state officials, service providers, healthcare personnel receive any medical care, and that they should be de- Trans, approximately half of the incidents took place in al violence is a form of violence resulting from and perpetu- and legal professionals. Furthermore, oppressive institu- ported from the country. (Serbia) institutional settings and involved state employees (see ated by hierarchical, unjust and oppressive social systems tional practices can be cemented by harmful and discrim- and arrangements, such as historically rooted social struc- inatory public policies and laws that provide a legal basis 2. A trans man was asked by the border-control officer, tures and relationships, e.g. conservative gender roles for oppression and the marginalisation of trans people. as he always is when he tries to leave the country, why above), while the other half were committed by private individuals, neighbours, co-workers and employers. the gender indicated in his passport did not correspond For the record often remains unquestioned and unchallenged because it Several cases of institutional violence have been docu- to his appearance. The officer sent him to his command- 1. A trans man wanted to put money into his grandfather’s is so deeply embedded in social arrangements: it goes un- mented through the ProTrans project. The most com- er and then to a separate room where two other per- bank account. Because his ID identified him as female, he noticed and unrecognised, and it thereby contributes to mon locations in which institutional violence has been sons were present. The victim asked the officials about was asked to present his own ID. He was asked to sit and preserving the modus operandi of our everyday lives. found include medical facilities, police stations, munic- the reason for this treatment. They said that he was sus- wait. Ten minutes later, the police arrived because the ipal administrative offices pected of drug trafficking and required him to undress. bank had informed them of document forgery. (Hungary) and state registrars. He tried to refuse, but he eventually realised that he had and the logic of the economic system. Structural violence to comply. No drugs were found. Finally, the command- 2. A trans man went to the post office to make a payment. er refused him permission to fly abroad on the basis that He believed that almost all employees were familiar with he could be a criminal. (Kyrgyzstan) his case (he has not changed gender marker or name on his ID). The employee told him he could not use another per- Adapted from the Disproportionate Poverty & Homelessness chart of the Sylvia Rivera Law Project. Available at: http://srlp.org/resources/ flow-chart-disproportionate-poverty/ + 16 + 3. In March 2015, a 22-year-old self-identified androgy- son’s payment card. He explained that they were his card nous person from Ukraine, who has been seeking asylum and ID. She looked at him with surprise, but continued to in Moldova on the basis of the war in Eastern Ukraine since work. However, when she was about to make the pay- February 2015, was subjected to degrading and humiliat- ment, she told him that there was a problem with the card ing treatment from a female doctor he had gone to see for and called another colleague to help her. They looked at his a refugee medical certificate due to his feminine gender ex- payment card and ID and informed him that it was not pos- pression. When he took off his shirt and the doctor saw his sible to make the payment because his card had expired. pierced naval, she called him a “hermaphrodite” and asked He ordered another one. However, when the new card ar- if he had male genitals. When he said yes, she replied: “It’s rived, he was unable to use it because the old one was still good that you haven’t cut them off”. (Moldova) active (not expired). (Serbia) + 17 +